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Description of study participants
The findings are based on 30 Serial Interviews with fifteen [15] uncircumcised Pokot women and five [5] Key Informant Interviews from Amudat District. Ten [10] of the participants had attained primary education, while five [5] had secondary education. Nine [9] of the participants were married, four [4] were unmarried while two [2] were still in school. None of the participants were formally employed. Out of the 15 participants, ten [10] were aged 18–25, three [1] aged 26–35 and two [2] aged 35 and above. Table 1, below, is illustrative of the demographic characteristics of participants.
The themes in form of negative experiences of uncircumcised Pokot women that emerged during data analysis were; denial to participate in community and cultural functions, difficulties in getting Pokot marriage partners, denial of conjugal rights (sex) and basic needs, refusal to give names to their children, rejection by elders and relatives, and stigmatization of their children. Three positive experiences also surfaced during data analysis including; sexual enjoyment during sexual intercourse epitomized by ease of reaching orgasms and less complication while giving birth as well as reduced risk of exposure to Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STDs).
Knowledge about female circumcision
Before recounting their experiences, we asked participants to share their understanding of female circumcision. We also engaged participants to establish their knowledge levels regarding female circumcision procedure. All the participants demonstrated understanding of female circumcision and the different seasons when the practice is performed. Participants described female circumcision as the “cutting of the female private parts, especially the clitoris using a sharp knife or razor blade”. The participants further mentioned that female circumcision is performed during the months of March, April, August and September of every even year targeting girls between the age of 10 to 15 years with the intention of preparing them for marriage and ushering them into womanhood.
All the participants stated that a traditional dance “Naleyo Dance” is performed in the community to alert the young girls about to undergo circumcision. The participants also reported that the “Naleyo Dance” is used to alert relatives to prepare the local brew “kumi-ket”, which is drunk by the elders during the circumcision. One of the key informants revealed that on the day of circumcision, the girls are taken to the river to bath and their fathers smear them with black mud on the face as the cutter “Koko-Melkong” prepares the stones where the girls sit before, they are circumcised. After circumcision, the girls are baptized “Chemeril” and are isolated from the community until when they heal. After healing, the newly circumcised girls are ushered in a dancing procession to the nearby trading center to get gifts “Meseren” from the community members.
Besides participants demonstrating their understanding of female circumcision, they also revealed their personal negative experiences associated with their rejection of female circumcision including; denial to participate in community and cultural functions, difficulties in getting a marriage partner, refusal by elders and clan leaders to bless their marriage, denial of conjugal rights and basic needs, and refusal to give names to children of uncircumcised women by husbands and relatives.
Denial to participate in community and cultural events/functions
Participants narrated how they were denied mixing with circumcised women on several occasions during community meetings on grounds that, they had unpleasant smell. Additionally, uncircumcised women were also barred from contributing ideas during the community meetings. These experiences were augmented by key informants who revealed that, uncircumcised women are denied leadership positions. This is because matters regarding the choice of candidates to be fronted for pokot leadership positions are entrusted with the leaders. As a result, participants expressed feelings of rejection and compromised self-efficacy to co-exist during public gatherings and contest for leadership positions thus alienating themselves from participating in community meetings. This is indicated in the voices of participants below:
I remember one time I went for a community meeting to discuss about cattle raids in the area but, the elders said that those circumcised should not mix with those not circumcised. I was not even allowed to say something in that meeting. I felt so bad because our animals had also been raided by warriors and I wanted to tell the elders (P1).
Uncircumcised women are not allowed to say anything during community meeting because they are looked at as young girls “Chepto”. Of course, this has forced many young girls to succumb to pressure and get circumcised. My mother is a non-Pokot (muganda) but she was compelled to be circumcised because of what she was going through in the community (Female key informant).
Besides, community meetings, participants were also not allowed to participate in cultural ceremonies like “Naleyo”. Uncircumcised women are also not allowed to serve elders during traditional ceremonies on grounds of constructed myths. For instance, the myth that, uncircumcised women have unpleasant smell and are not yet grown-up women. We recite a story from one of the participants below:
My cousin sister was getting married and she asked me to serve elders from the husband’s side but one of my uncles who knew that, I am not circumcised stopped me from serving them claiming that I was not clean to serve elders. He also claimed that, I will bring bad blessings to their daughter’s marriage. I felt so sad and decided to stop attending traditional and family functions (P6).
Participants further highlighted that they continue to be denied access to some public places like water collection points, and kraal to collect cow dung to beautify their houses. Participants reported that this is due to the perception among the elders that, uncircumcised women leak from their private parts. This discrimination is also extended to their children who are always harassed by their peers at the water collection points, and in extreme cases not allowed to fetch water. This is evident in the excerpts below:
“I remember when I was still young, my stepmother used to say that, I will not get married unless I cut my long and stinking clitoris between my legs. Life was hard because one time she stopped me from going to the granary, grinding maize, and milking cows at home claiming that, my long and stinking clitoris will bring curse and food insecurity to the family”. (P15)
“Sometimes when we go to the water collection points, those circumcised women tell us to first wait for them to fill their jerricans before we make the water dirty since we leak from our private parts.” (P12)
Difficulties in getting a marriage partner
Both married and unmarried participants mentioned difficulties in getting a pokot marriage partner. Participants attributed this to the myth that uncircumcised women are a curse to the family. This was exacerbated by hilarious names given to uncircumcised women like “Chemalayinan” and “Chineyomegtilinye” literally meaning a prostitute and dirty woman respectively. As a result, Pokot men shun away from falling in love with uncircumcised women for fear of insults and bullying from the community members. Some of the participants revealed having abandoned their original communities to other areas where their circumcision status was not known to get marriage partners. For example, one participant stated,
Boys in the village used to tell me that, I will not get someone to me marry because I am not circumcised. I was forced to leave the village and come to Amudat Town Council, where nobody knows that I am not circumcised and got a boyfriend (P7)
Refusal by elders and clan leaders to bless their marriage
Participants revealed that marriage blessings in their culture are given by elders and clan leaders. However, these blessings have been tied to female circumcision. Participants further revealed that uncircumcised women are always blamed for their marriage misfortunates. Besides, elders and clan leaders are not supposed to visit their homes. This is indicated in the statements below made by some participants:
I remember one time my father-in-law insulting me in front of my children by saying that look at this girl with seven horns. You know the shaper end of the clitoris looks like a horn. I felt embarrassed and degraded in front of my children and decided to leave that home (P9).
I am always harassed and abused by my in-laws whenever I try to go and pick food from the granary, claiming that, I will cause food insecurity to the family. I have tried several times to tell my husband to secure a plot of land far from his parents, but he is always influenced by his parents. The harassment I am going through in this home is too much (P15).
The participants further highlighted that, the economic benefits in form of dowry tagged on circumcised women during marriage ceremonies have led to elders and clan leaders not blessing the marriages of uncircumcised women. The elders’ economic expectations in form of dowry from the marriages of uncircumcised women are so low. Culturally, the Pokot elders are believed to be the custodians of blessings. The uncircumcised women revealed that their parents are paid less or no dowry at all compared to their circumcised counterparts. This is evident in the excerpt below:
What disturbs me so much is that, the parents of my husband refused him from paying dowry (cows) to my parents because I am not circumcised. They even vowed never to come and visit us at my home. My children are always discriminated and stigmatized against whenever they go to visit their paternal grandparents. They do this to my children because I refused to undergo circumcision (P6).
Denial of conjugal rights and basic needs at home
Married participants revealed that their husband denied them conjugal rights (sex) and other basic needs after realizing that they were not circumcised. This was done to pressure them to undergo female circumcision. The pressure to circumcise has been exacerbated by their co-wives who influence their husbands not to have sex with them claiming that, dirty things come out of their vagina, have unpleasant smell and engage in extramarital affairs. Two participants revealed they had deserted their matrimonial homes due to pressure from their co-wives. Other participants reported engaging in physical fighting with their husbands and co-wives over allegations of extramarital affairs. Two participants had this to say in light of these physical fights:
I remember one time my husband got a full cabbage, boiled it and placed it on the table. When I asked him how he was going to eat the full cabbage that is not cut, he told me that, I am like that cabbage. That I first go for circumcision and come back when I am like ready cabbage to have sex with me. I felt so bad and decided to leave him and started staying with my mother. I don’t feel like reconciling with that man because he mistreated and starved me sexually (P8).
My husband got another woman after telling him that I am not circumcised. One time that woman confronted me in front of my children saying that, she is the only woman in the family who doesn’t smell. My friend, I grabbed her and by the time people came to separate us, I had already given her enough ahahaha (P6).
Refusal to give names to children of uncircumcised women by husbands and relatives
Married participants mentioned that their husbands with support of relatives, after discovering that, they were not circumcised refused to give surnames to their children claiming that, the children are a “bad omen” to the family. Participants further expressed that, derogatory and humorous names like “magangandet” literally meaning outcast are given to their children to depict them as a curse to the family. The respondents expressed frustration over the deliberate decision by their partners’/relatives’ refusal to name their children. Though these women were not willing to be circumcised, they cherished the naming of children as they cited some of the advantages associated with the rite; it was necessary for determining someone’s belonging in terms of the family lineage and clan. The Pokot surnames also have inherent meaning; usually reflecting someone’s birth-story. This is evident in the excerpt below:
In our culture, the husband or father-in-law is the one to name after the child because that name is used as a clan or family identity and sometimes help to talk about the child’s birth story. I struggled with my husband to give names to our children because his parents and elders had asked him not to name them saying that, they were a curse to the family (P6).
The participants further stated that, discrimination and stigmatization in form of giving derogatory names to their children have been extended in schools forcing some of their children to drop out of school. Participants attributed this to persistent bullying and teasing by their peers. We present this in three narratives from two participants:
My children are not allowed to socialize or interact with other children in the community, especially neighbors because they are considered outcasts and unclean. They are always called all sorts of names and mocked by their peers because of my position against female circumcision (P4).
My son was forced to drop out of school because of the persistent teasing and bullying from peers that, he is a son of a woman who is not clean. I reported several times to the school administrators for help but I was not helped until when my son dropped out of school. What annoyed me so much is that, even my husband did not help our child to be resettled in another school (P15).
One day I sent my child to the neighborhood to collect cow dung for beautifying our house but the man chased him and called him all sorts of derogatory names because I am not circumcised. He shouted at him saying he should not collect cow dung from their kraal because he will bring a curse on their family. They have also stopped my children from socializing with their children (P4).
Enjoying sexual intercourse
Participants mentioned that enjoying playing sexual intercourse with their husbands and boyfriends was one of the positive experiences. Women who refused to be circumcised reported experiencing high sexual sensation and satisfaction during intercourse with their partners. Participants revealed having received several complaints from their friends who were circumcised that, they feel a lot of pain while having sexual intercourse. This is evident below:
I have my friend who is circumcised but she tells me that she lost interest in playing sex with her husband because she feels a lot of pain whenever they have sex and sometimes bleeds. Personally, I have never felt pain apart from the very first time I had sex because I was still a virgin (P4).
I feel happy whenever I have sex with my husband because I enjoy it a lot unlike circumcised women whose husbands report feeling a lot of pain on vaginal penetration because the vulva (vaginal opening) area is very small (P6).
Less complications while giving birth
The participants who had given birth reported less complications while giving birth as one of the positive experiences of not being circumcised. This is evident in the excerpt below:
I have five children so far, and I have never got any problem while giving birth yet my friends who are circumcised have delivered from Moroto Hospital. Some of my friends have undergone caesarean section after failing to give birth from our lower-level health facilities. These experiences have taught me a lesson and I pledged not to circumcise my daughters although my relatives sometimes try to influence me to circumcise my daughter (s) (P6).
Reduced risk of exposure to sexually transmitted diseases
Participants mentioned that, their refusal to undergo female circumcision reduced their risk of exposure to sexually transmitted diseases. Participants reported that, the same ‘‘wembe’’ or knife was used to circumcise many girls at the same time, which exposes them to sexually transmitted diseases. These revelations are evident below;
‘I remember female circumcision was very prevalent among the Pokot at the time when HIV/AIDS was also at the peak in Uganda and most people were not even aware of the virus. Circumcisers were using the same knife on more than one girl and some girls in the community got infected. I am very sure people like me survived getting infected because of refusal to undergo female circumcision. (P7)
The above revelation by an uncircumcised woman were reaffirmed by one of the health officials from Amudat District who noted,
‘The ‘‘wembe’’ that is used for cutting usually transmits diseases to girls since it’s used to cut multiple girls at the same time’’. Of course, many of these girls could not know that they had been exposed to such diseases because Pokot was a closed community with limited access to social services like health and education (Female key informant)
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